
As the correspondent of Mega channel in Berlin revealed, the Mega reported, the dialogue of the two men, according to German sources was as follows:Jack Lew: Greece has to be supported
Schäuble: Why not let YOU ( the US) pay 50 bln euros to be saved!
Jack Lew …On this point , of Ja ck Lews not-a-word for an answer, the German sources, the greek report said, have explained that“When Money quest comes at the table, Washington always sets back …”.
16 hrs Ο απίστευτος διάλογος Σόιμπλε-Λιού για την Ελλάδα – http://t.co/3XccUF81cq αποστομωτική απάντηση Σόιμπλε ή όχι τί λέτε;

to be “compromising to Germany’s strict demands for Greece”, on his talks with Merkel in Bavaria, due to this final point: the money asked from the US to be paid for the rescue of Greece
Greece must reform and return to sustainable long-term growth, with Obama hopeful Athens and its partners can chart that course without causing volatility in financial markets, the spokesman added.
(which is actually what Greece has expressed is its intetnion to be.)
In a day of secluded talks in the Alpine resort of Schloss Elmau, the biggest drama was provided by a verbal attack on the Greek prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, by the European commission president, Jean-Claude Juncker, the Guardian wrote
President Obama was not the only one, (and not for his first time), that tried to bridge the differences of the two sides on Greek crisis.
Recently, World’s Top Economists and Educators by their full scientific credibility -worldwide- and expertise, sent their Appeal to Europe, which, as it was made known, was asking:
“In the Final Hour, a Plea for Economic Sanity and Humanity”
An impressive list of some of the world’s top economists and professors, even a Nobel Laureate included in the list, penned a letter to the Financial Times asking for economic sanity” and “humanity” from Europe, calling the programs the Eurozone is imposing on Greece “demonstrably failed.”
The complete text of the letter follows:
The future of the EU is at stake in the negotiations between Greece and its creditor institutions, now close to a climax. To avoid failure, concessions will be needed from both sides. From the EU, forbearance and finance to promote structural reform and economic recovery, and to preserve the integrity of the Eurozone. From Greece, credible commitment to show that, while it is against austerity, it is in favour of reform and wants to play a positive role in the EU.
In a letter to the FT in January, several of us said: “We believe it is important to distinguish austerity from reforms; to condemn austerity does not entail being anti-reform.” Six months on, we are dismayed that austerity is undermining Syriza’s key reforms, on which EU leaders should surely have been collaborating with the Greek government: most notably to overcome tax evasion and corruption. Austerity drastically reduces revenue from tax reform, and restricts the space for change to make public administration accountable and socially efficient. And the constant concessions required by the government mean that Syriza is in danger of losing political support and thus its ability to carry out a reform programme that will bring Greece out of the crisis. It is wrong to ask Greece to commit itself to an old programme that has demonstrably failed, been rejected by Greek voters, and which large numbers of economists (including ourselves) believe was misguided from the start.
Clearly a revised, longer-term agreement with the creditor institutions is necessary: otherwise default is inevitable, imposing great risks on the economies of Europe and the world, and even for the European project that the eurozone was supposed to strengthen.
Syriza is the only hope for legitimacy in Greece. Failure to reach a compromise would undermine democracy in and result in much more radical and dysfunctional challenges, fundamentally hostile to the EU.
Consider, on the other hand, a rapid move to a positive programme for recovery in Greece (and in the EU as a whole), using the massive financial strength of the Eurozone to promote investment, rescuing young Europeans from mass unemployment with measures that would increase employment today and growth in the future. This could both transform the economic performance of the EU and make it once more a source of pride for European citizens.
“How Greece is treated will send a message to all its eurozone partners. Like the Marshall plan, let it be one of hope not despair.”
Prof Joseph Stiglitz
Columbia University; Nobel Prize winner of EconomicsProf Thomas Piketty
Paris School of EconomicsMassimo D’Alema
Former prime minister of Italy; president of FEPS (Foundation of European Progressive Studies)Prof Stephany Griffith-Jones
IPD Columbia UniversityProf Mary Kaldor
London School of EconomicsHilary Wainwright
Transnational Institute, AmsterdamProf Marcus Miller
Warwick UniversityProf John Grahl
Middlesex University, LondonMichael Burke
Economists Against AusterityProf Panicos Demetriadis
University of LeicesterProf Trevor Evans
Berlin School of Economics and LawProf Jamie Galbraith
Dept of Government, University of TexasProf Gustav A Horn
Macroeconomic Policy Institute (IMK)Prof Andras Inotai
Emeritus and former Director, Institute for World Economics, BudapestSir Richard Jolly
Honorary Professor, IDS, Sussex UniversityProf Inge Kaul
Adjunct professor, Hertie School of Governance, BerlinNeil MacKinnon
VTB CapitalProf Jacques Mazier
University of ParisDr Robin Murray
London School of EconomicsProf Jose Antonio Ocampo
Columbia UniversityProf Dominique Plihon
University of ParisAvinash Persaud
Peterson Institute for International EconomicsProf Mario Pianta
University of UrbinoHelmut Reisen
Shifting Wealth ConsultancyDr Ernst Stetter
Secretary General, FEPS (Foundation fro European Progressive Studies)Prof Simon Wren-Lewis
Merton College Oxford
“They believed that by cutting wages and accepting other austerity measures, Greek exports would increase and the economy would quickly return to growth,” Stiglitz said last week. “They also believed that the first restructuring would lead to debt sustainability. The troika’s forecasts have been wrong.”
The current proposals repeat the same mistake,
the Guardian article on June 7 underlined
Tsipras and his finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, may specialise in needling their creditors, but the troika also need to take into account the fact that Syriza has formed a legitimate, democratically elected government and cannot be told that its electoral programme is irrelevant.
So Lagarde and European commission president Jean-Claude Juncker must be the ones to table further compromises.
Neither was in charge when the first Greek bailout set all sides on the current disastrous path, the gurdian underlined, concluding that
They should explain to Ireland and Portugal, also suffering austerity, that Greece is too weak to survive more bloodletting.